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楼主: 本司胡同

读大叔驳怪书有感——马桶盖事件

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发表于 2015-3-9 11:45:47 | 显示全部楼层
本司胡同 发表于 2015-3-8 10:21
我在温哥华的高中社会课教师,告诉我们班

一次她在一个华人商店看上了一副麻将,想买。告诉了她学生。学 ...


我在温哥华的高中社会课教师,告诉我们班
一次她在一个华人商店看上了一副麻将,想买。告诉了她学生。学生说,我来替你买,我会砍价!
学生去问价。从140加币砍到了80加币。得意地告诉了老师。我老师说,我想想。
老师自己去买。拿了麻将,问,多少钱?
答:八十。

轩辕:中国人买东西砍价是被国内训练出来的(中国的价格管理失控到什么程度你知道么?),而且外国人在秀水街那类市场买东西砍价的也很常见,当然“童叟无欺决无二价”那是最好了,如果达不到,那就协商,砍价就是谈判,国际间大宗买卖都要价格协商,你以为中国买俄罗斯的天然气的时候双方不在价格上来回协商?所以砍价这事儿没那么可恶。

在抱怨价钱虚高的时候,反思一下是不是国人太爱砍价。老怕吃亏。想一想,人家也要养家糊口,何必强人所难呢?
轩辕:这话说得,好像砍价能砍到商家赔本儿也会卖给你,有这事儿么?

我去吃自助餐时,脑子里算着店家的成本。结账时用小费补。我母亲说我吃饱了撑的,管那么多。
轩辕:你可真够累的,而且我完全不相信你能算的清楚。如果一个开店的要靠小费维持才能不赔本儿,那我只能说大哥你还是换个工作吧!

我喜欢这个餐厅,怕他倒了。非要物超所值,餐厅倒了,就吃不到了。
轩辕:没听说过那家餐厅是靠小费维持不倒的!

伯慧君好几次炫耀吃日式自助喝清酒喝到老板来央求。何必呢?直接结果是她自己都说自助餐包酒水的越来越少。我看即使包酒水也不太可能是 玉乃光 松竹梅 月桂冠 这样的高档清酒了。
轩辕:有人大肚皮,有人小肚皮,有人很优雅,有人很饕餮,有人很节俭,有人很浪费,有人很节制,有人很放纵,开自助餐厅,这些情况一定要充分估计到,没估计到说明你不够专业!如果过一段时间发现评估有误,那及时调整经营策略就可以了么,这有什么闲话好讲?
发表于 2015-3-9 13:57:45 | 显示全部楼层
西方有定论:中国、中国人自认天下第一,不在乎其他文明文化。
轩辕:听别人说什么的时候,自己要过过脑子。如果有这个定论也是盲人摸象瞎咧咧,中国人自认天下第一,直到晚清持这种想法的国人还是很多的,但那不是妄想、不是吹牛,他们认为第一的时候确实是第一,而且是甩第二名很远的那种第一!“洋务运动”知道吧?“中学为体西学为用”知道吧?“学习西方先进的管理经验”知道吧?清晚民初很多人去欧美、日本留学知道吧?怎么说中国人“不在乎其他文明文化“?,这不是瞪着大眼说瞎话么?
发表于 2015-3-9 15:23:54 | 显示全部楼层
本司胡同 发表于 2015-3-8 09:45
日本假货也很多。赤福,白色恋人,牛奶,松坂高级百货的假牛肉,伊势丹的假高档首饰……

国内新闻对国外 ...


日本假货也很多。赤福,白色恋人,牛奶,松坂高级百货的假牛肉,伊势丹的假高档首饰……
轩辕:嗯,怎么了?你想说啥?

国内新闻对国外的报喜不报忧,不代表没有。
轩辕:这种说法,明显是对国内情况缺乏常识性认知!我们的媒体从来都是以”中国很好外国很乱“为主旋律的!以此来证明伟、光、正。

中国消费者给日本送些岁币也好。日本一经济差,就会侵略中国。战国刚结束,没钱,壬辰了。明治初年缺钱,甲午了。世界经济大萧条,九一八了。国内矛盾激化,骚动不断,卢沟桥了。
轩辕:越没钱越打仗?这是哪个找死的脑壳想出来的?谁打仗不思量下自己拼不拼得赢?日本人的胆子是被满清一点点养肥的,越打胆子越大,后来疯了!彻底不知道自己吃几碗干饭了!大明时日本不穷?来一试试,揍死你还不管埋!

八十年代日本富有,中日青年大联欢。九十年代日本衰退,小泉了。
轩辕:这个要复杂得多,不是你说的那么简单!你这也太想当然了

刚听说安倍经济学大成功,我还挺高兴,以为东海能消停几年。安倍经济学没成功。民调连创新低,东海又闹腾了。唉,该来的还是会来啊。
安倍经济学成功了,日本就不在东海与中国争利益了?这想法怎么这么古怪呢?你这话说给安倍听,八成安倍也会认为你有问题,哈哈……
发表于 2015-3-9 20:07:23 | 显示全部楼层
本司胡同 发表于 2015-3-8 10:32
我去吃卤煮。桌子很脏乱。别的桌子也很脏乱。邻桌对这国营餐馆的老服务员说,这么脏,像话吗!

老服务员 ...

我去吃卤煮。桌子很脏乱。别的桌子也很脏乱。
轩辕:这服务多糟糕

邻桌对这国营餐馆的老服务员说,这么脏,像话吗!老服务员迅速地抹挲几下。邻桌继续抱怨,什么态度!国营就是懒散!
轩辕:这顾客说得不对吗?说出事实有什么不对吗?

我对老服务员说,不好意思,麻烦您一下,把桌子清一下可以吗?谢谢您。
服务员说,不用谢,这是我应该做的。

轩辕:很欣赏您的彬彬有礼,这使得气氛融洽,很好。但是不要过度引申……不要暗示我们,对于那些应该为我们服务却不作为的单位,要和蔼可亲彬彬有礼,否则就别怪人家不给你办事儿,一引申就很糟糕了。

老大爷把桌子擦的很干净。一遍肥皂,一遍清水。抱怨国内服务态度不好时,想一想自己是不是牛气太足。
轩辕:这很好!但是不要胡乱引申开去……
发表于 2015-3-10 18:18:37 | 显示全部楼层
本司胡同:庶民礼用鸭子,周礼呀!!!!!您是天汉的管理员,周礼会忘记吗?贵族用玉,取其刚而不伤人,大夫用羊,取其白,士用雁,取其知序,庶民用鸭,取其直。汉服运动怎么可以忘掉周礼呢!
轩辕答:第一、我不认为天汉的管理员一定要熟知《周礼》,况我记忆力一向不好,读很多书但记住的真不多……你说:“汉服运动怎么可以忘掉周礼呢!”,我回答你,忘记原文某段不等于忘记《周礼》……
第二、以我残存的一些记忆,对你这一段所谓来自《周礼》的文字感到不类,别告诉我你看的是白话文翻译啊,还是麻烦你把原文出处写清楚吧,是天地春夏秋冬哪一章的呢?谢谢啦……
发表于 2015-3-10 23:39:30 | 显示全部楼层
看完大叔的辩论,我……我完全晕乎了………………………………………………………………

等 本司胡同 仁兄的精彩对辩!

(或许我该想方法加强下我的逻辑思维……)
发表于 2015-3-10 23:44:54 | 显示全部楼层
本司胡同:90年 Oka事件,加拿大魁北克省Oka的印第安保留区。政府要建Golf场。印第安不干,坐在道路上,坐在工地上。坐着。加拿大军队来了。印第安路中间站一排,军队也面对面一排,几天都没事。突然军队开打。印第安还击。舆论迫使加拿大政府退步。八月29,双方谈判,政府说golf不修了。印第安回家。军队包围印第安居住地,禁止任何人员物资出入。九月25,加拿大政府撕毁协议,继续修golf,军队继续包围。同日,印第安突围还击。僵持,后各退回。1991年,当地选举。不明因素迫使除了赞成修golf的原市长之外,无人敢出来参选。原市长等额当选。市长宣布不认错。这事情发生在1990年



轩辕在网上到处搜罗来的:网络资料补充:
Oka位于低Laurentides地区,是一片美洲印第安人和白人共同生活的土地。至少,在1990年夏天爆发的一场冲突之前是这样的,但由Oka危机所引致的损失是无法弥补的,以致于如今在(加拿大中央)政府和当地人的谈判中还有着巨大的影响。在Oka地区的白人和mohawks族居民的关系中也是同样情形。白人们感到危机四伏,而Mohawks族也是时刻保持警惕。事情都起于地区高尔夫球场的所有人,市政府,想要扩充一小块土地,而这正是Mohawks族的领地。高尔夫俱乐部并不是土地的所有者,但以非营利的目的合法地使用着这片地。他们其中有一部分是当地的权贵(如今情况已有所不同)。
1990年在魁北克省的奥卡危机(Oka crisis),奥卡危机是加拿大原住民土地争议﹐但由于一名魁省警员Marcel Lemay在奥卡危机初期被枪杀﹐后来演变成原住民与加拿大部队对峙78天﹐史称奥卡危机。

OKA位于蒙特利尔岛西部70公里的地方。印第安人认为这里是他们祖先的埋葬地。
20年前,由于政府准备在这片地方交给私人建筑商建造一个高尔夫球场而遭到印第安人反对。1990年7月11日,政府出动警察清除了印第安人设置的路障,随后遭到印第安人激烈反对。危机一共持续了78天,加拿大军队曾被迫出动,政府最后放弃了在这里兴建高尔夫球场的计划。事件还导致省警Marcel Lemay的死亡。

下面是翻译软件翻译的,读个大概吧:
经过多年的战斗夺回故土的莫霍克,kanesatake(Oka)架设路障,他们的土地。
历史背景
而魁北克正在为举办一个新的想法公民投票在主权,其他国家,如加拿大第一民族,试图作为一个独立的人在加拿大获得自己的认识。而当地人已经做了索赔几个世纪以来,那些提出奥卡[见地图1:该图]转了一圈对加拿大历史留下标记。
总结
当面对一个计划扩大他们的土地的高尔夫球场,鸡冠头在[见图1:kanesatake储备奥卡地图]决定建造街垒去奥卡[见图1:该图]。事实上,土地的奥卡[市长看到图1:该图]和其他城市居民都希望新的高尔夫球场被称为长期持有的祖传土地的鸡冠头。三个月后,1990年7月11日,警方介入,攻打街垒被当地人把守。枪和马塞尔勒梅,与SûRETé杜曲éBEC代理(省的警察部队),被杀。冲突发生在一个全新的视角从这一刻起。自然界中的莫霍克索赔不再严格的领土,而是一个本土独立识别需求。的勇士然后加入莫霍克族在路障。政府拒绝谈判而莫霍克路障和省公安派(SûRETé杜曲éBEC)建立自己的路障导致奥卡[市看地图1路:奥卡地图]和[见图1:kanesatake储备奥卡地图]。没有集团愿意拆除自己的路障,罗伯特Bourassa称为加拿大武装部队。尽管武装的存在,谈判很慢,花了几个星期前名士的桥梁和公路132,138和207能够重新正常交通[见图1:该图]。二十天后,1990年9月26日,最后一个路障被取下,战士们放弃了斗争。

Oka事件中对峙的双方:

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发表于 2015-3-11 00:18:11 | 显示全部楼层
以下摘自维基百科,软件翻译:
奥卡危机是一群莫霍克人冈和加拿大魁北克省的小镇上开始了1990年7月11日一直持续到9月26日,1990年一名警察被打死不确定的莫霍克族之间的土地纠纷。[2]争议是原住民和加拿大政府之间在20世纪后期第一个广为人知的暴力冲突。
从冈镇和Kanesatake的莫霍克社区之间的局部纠纷发展的危机。冈镇正在制定计划,以扩大高尔夫球场和住宅开发的土地上有哪些传统上使用的莫霍克。它包括pineland和墓地,标志站在他们的祖先的墓碑。莫霍克族提出了一项土地要求为神圣的小树林和墓地附近Kanesatake,但他们的要求已经在1986年被拒绝。
历史背景[编辑]
PTE。帕特里克·克卢捷,一个“范斗”外围放哨,和莫霍克战士布拉德Larocque,萨斯喀彻温大学的经济系学生,奥卡危机期间面临下岗(图:加拿大出版社,1990年9月1日Shaney Komulainen)1717年,州长新法国授予涵盖了墓地和松树圣叙尔皮斯教堂的牧师或神父Sulpician学院,总部设在巴黎的罗马天主教秩序协会的土地。莫霍克族称,原批包括约9平方公里专供其使用。虽然Sulpician学院应该持有信托之地,神学院扩大了该协议给予自己唯一的所有权。[来源请求]
1868年,一年后联合会,奥卡莫霍克人的首领约瑟夫Onasakenrat [编辑]写了一封信给神谴责其非法持有的土地,要求其返回的请愿产生任何结果的莫霍克族。 1869年Onasakenrat攻击神用小武力,给传教士八天交出土地后。地方当局结束这种对峙与力量。[3]
1936年,神出售用于开发剩余的领土和当地社区的莫霍克腾出的区域,在抗议。当时,他们仍然保留在共同的土地牛。[3]
1961年,全市建成的私人9洞高尔夫球场,该俱乐部的高尔夫球D'欧卡,对土地的一部分。莫霍克提起诉讼,控告其施工,但由该案被听到的时候,许多土地已经被清除。建设也开始了一个停车场和高尔夫果岭毗邻莫霍克族墓地。
1977年,乐队提交了正式的土地要求提供有关土地土著人权利要求的联邦办公室。要求被接受申请,并提供索赔的额外的研究经费。九年后,要求被驳回,对不符合重点法律标准的理由。[4]
1989年3月,该俱乐部的高尔夫球D'奥卡宣布,计划通过额外的9洞扩大高尔夫球场。抗议莫霍克族和其他人,以及来自环境的魁北克部长的关​​注,导致了谈判,该项目由八月市政府推迟。
§Immediate导致[编辑]在加拿大本土和非本土人之间的紧张关系已经出现社区接壤的储备,主要是在土地的竞争性使用高。这种紧张促成了奥卡危机。这场危机的直接原因是1989年宣布欧卡,让Ouellette的市长,该松树的剩余部分将被清除,以扩大私有,成员只有高尔夫俱乐部课程18洞。此外,他已经批准了60豪华公寓发展的松树的一部分。由于土著人权利要求的办公室拒绝了三年前的土地上莫霍克声称,他的办公室也没有征询莫霍克的计划。没有环境或历史保护审查。不是所有的人都在奥卡批准的计划,但对手找到了市长办公室不愿意讨论他们。[5]

由于对法院判决允许高尔夫球场建设进行了抗议,莫霍克社区的一些成员竖起了路障,阻止访问该地区。市长要求的Ouellette遵从法院命令,但o(︶︿︶)o 唉者拒绝。土著事务魁北克部长约翰·Ciaccia写支持信为当地人,说“这些人已经看到了他们的土地,而不必被征询或补偿,而且,在我看来,是不公平和不公正的,尤其是在一个高尔夫球场消失。“[6]
危机
7月11日,市长问Sûreté魁北克(SQ),魁北克省警察部队,出面与莫霍克抗议。他声称那里的路障已被刑事活动。莫霍克人,按照易洛魁联盟的宪法,要求女性,土地的管理员和“祖的民族”,这对勇士已经积累了阿森纳是否应该继续。莫霍克国家的女性决定的武器只能用于当SQ开枪路障,并用它们作为防御性越好。[来源请求]
警方紧急反应小组迅速部署催泪弹和闪光弹手榴弹,企图在莫霍克制造混乱居攻击路障。目前尚不清楚警方或莫霍克族是先开火的枪声用,但经过15分钟的枪战,警方回落,放弃了6艘巡洋舰和一台推土机。警方的催泪瓦斯吹回他们。虽然最初的账户报道称,31岁的下士SQ马塞尔勒梅被枪杀在交火过程中面部,[7]稍后验尸确定袭击,最终子弹杀了他,打他的“左侧腋窝下方,一个区域不受[他]防弹背心。“[8]
莫霍克族资本就乱抓住六辆车,其中包括4辆警车,和commandered前端装载机粉碎车辆,并利用它们来形成跨越的主要公路上的路障。[
升级为当地的莫霍克族的情况是由来自全国各地和美国本地人加入,一起拒绝拆除路障自己。[来源请求]的Sûreté魁北克省建立了自己的封锁公路344来限制访问奥卡和Kanesatake。在卡纳威克附近的位置,另一组莫霍克族的,声援Kanesatake,封锁了名士大桥在它通过其领土的地步,从而封闭了蒙特利尔岛和蒙特利尔的人口稠密的南岸郊区之间的一个主要的接入点。
在危机的高峰期,名士大桥和路线132,138和207都受阻,创造交通和愤怒实质性破坏的危机一拖再拖。一组沙托居民开始建设一个未经授权的,无计划的四车道[来源请求]围绕卡纳威克准备金高速公路。危机发生后,高速公路已经完成,现在是魁北克自动布线30的一部分。
联邦冠会同行政会议同意斥资530万购买松树所在的高尔夫球场扩张是采取地方,以防止任何进一步发展的部分。该提案离开莫霍克激怒,因为这导致了形势的问题还没有得到解决。土地管理工作只是简单地移动从一个政府到另一个,而不是莫霍克。[来源请求]
沮丧的交通拥堵和导流由于桥梁和道路封锁偶尔公开表示。沙托的居民烧了莫霍克族战士的肖像,同时高喊“sauvages”(野人)。[10]电台主持人吉勒斯·普露提出的紧张与如鸡冠头“甚至不能说法语”的意见。这些言论激怒了已经运行从这次危机之前的意见,包括那些由议会沙托,里卡多·洛佩兹的联邦委员特别高的脾气。[11]
当它变得明显的Sûreté魁北克没有包含在此升级的情况下,政府引进了加拿大皇家骑警(RCMP),谁也无法遏制的小怪,并与交通堵塞有关的混乱; 10加拿大皇家骑警警员住院8月14日。
8月8日,魁北克总理罗伯特·布拉萨在记者招待会上宣布,他有,按照国防法第275,要求在“援助的民间力量”的军事支持。总理布赖恩·马尔罗尼不愿让联邦政府,特别是,加拿大军队,所以参与其中。根据该法案,但是,魁北克检察长,受到魁北克总理方向,不得不征用军队维持法律和秩序为省级责任的权利;这一举动有先例在加拿大,包括十月危机已被要求由罗伯特·布拉萨当时以及在更早的二十年。
国防参谋长,约翰·德Chastelain,放在魁北克省的部队,以支持省级机关;从34和35的加拿大队组和5加拿大机械化旅集团大约2500名经常和预备役部队被提上另行通知。 8月20日,公司皇家22E团为首的主要阿兰·特伦布莱,花了三个路障,抵达最后的封锁通往争议地区。在那里,他们减少了无人区伸展,最初由Sûreté魁北克实施的路障在松树前,由1.5公里5米。更多的部队和机械化设备调动大约蒙特利尔临时区域,而侦察机上演空中的照片在任务莫霍克境内搜集情报。尽管双方高度紧张,没有出手进行了交流。
分辨率[编辑] 8月29日,在名士大桥封锁,莫霍克族谈判结束他们的抗议中校罗宾加格农的“范斗”指挥官负责监视封锁沿圣劳伦斯河南岸西蒙特利尔。这一行动进一步导致了在卡纳威克储备原围困的分辨率。
莫霍克族在奥卡,但是,被出卖的感觉在他们的名士大桥最有效的筹码损失:一次交通又开始流淌,魁北克政府拒绝按照其有关奥卡高尔夫球场扩建原有的纠纷进一步谈判。 9月25日见证了危机的最终参与:一个莫霍克族战士走了一圈封锁区域的周边用长棍子,掀起了已被最初安装由加拿大军队,提醒他们个人逃离该地区耀斑。士兵们打开这个男人水管,但它缺乏足够的压力,分散他周围的人群。这个人群嘲笑士兵,并开始扔水气球他们,但事件并没有进一步升级。第二天莫霍克族放下武器,拆除他们的枪,扔在火里,礼仪燃烧烟草和返回准备金。然而,很多是由加拿大部队拘留和被逮捕SQ。
奥卡危机持续了78天,并在枪声在危机早期杀SQ下士马塞尔·勒梅。高尔夫球场扩张其原先引发的危机是由冈市长取消。奥卡危机镀锌,遍及加拿大,后续开发第一个国家监管政策的过程中要尽量防止未来此类事件。
1991年,是的Ouellette以鼓掌方式再次当选冈市长。他说,危机,他作为市长的职责要求他像他那样行事

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 楼主| 发表于 2015-3-11 08:32:21 | 显示全部楼层
本帖最后由 本司胡同 于 2015-3-11 08:37 编辑

Canadian government gained control over Aboriginal land and peoples, disrupted
Aboriginal governments and economies, and sought to repress Aboriginal cultures
and spiritual practices. The government, often in partnership with the country’s
major religious bodies sought to “civilize”and Christianize, and, ultimately, assimilate
Aboriginal people into the Canadian society. The deputy minister of Indian Affairs predicted
in 1920 that in a century, thanks to the work of these schools, Aboriginal people would cease to exist as an identifiable cultural group in Canada.

Education was seen as a central element in this project. For their part Aboriginal people saw the value in schooling: it was at their insistence, for example, that many treaties required government to provide teachers and establish reserve schools.  The decision to invest in residential schools was based on a belief that the cultural and spiritual transformation that
the government and churches sought to bring about in Aboriginal people could be most effectively accomplished in schools that broke the bonds between parent and child.

When Canada was created in 1867 the churches were already operating a small number of boarding schools for Aboriginal people of Ontario. In the coming years, Roman Catholic and Protestant missionaries established missions and small boarding schools throughout the west.

The relationship between the government and the churches was institutionalized in 1883 when the federal government decided to establish three large residential schools in Western Canada.

Missionaries established missions and small boarding schools throughout the west. The relationship between the government and the churches was institutionalized in 1883
when the federal government decided to establish three large residential schools in
Western Canada. By the 1930s, there were over 70 residential schools in operation in all parts
of the country. By then approximately one-third of school-aged Aboriginal children were attending residential schools. Eventually more than 150,000 students would pass through the system. Over the century that the system was in operation more than 130 residential schools received government support.

The assault on an Aboriginal identity often began the moment the child took the first step across the school’s threshold. Braided hair (which often had spiritual connotations) was cut, home-made clothing exchanged for a school uniform, Aboriginal names replaced with a Euro-Canadian ones (and a number), and the unrestricted freedom of life in Aboriginal community foregone for the regimen of an institution in which every activity from morning to evening was scheduled. Males and females, brothers and sisters were separated and, with some exceptions, parental visits were discouraged and controlled.


Hastily and cheaply built schools were often found to have poor or non-existent sanitation and ventilation systems. With few infirmaries in which students with contagious diseases could be isolated, epidemics could quickly spread through a school with deadly results. Because schools were funded on a per capita basis, administrators often violated health guidelines and admitted children who were infected with such deadly and contagious diseases as tuberculosis. Parents were also often not informed if their children became sick, died, or ran way.

For the first half of the twentieth century,
the schools were on what was termed the
half-day system, under which half a day was
spent in the classroom and the other half in
vocational training. For the boys this was
largely restricted to farming and the crafts
that a farmer might have need of while the
girls were trained in the domestic sciences.
In reality, this was not so much training as
child labour, undertaken to subsidize the
ongoing operation of the schools.
The government mandated that English
be the language of instruction. And while
some missionaries had learned Aboriginal
languages and provided religious instruction
in those languages, in many schools students
were punished for speaking an Aboriginal
language. For most of the system’s history
the federal government had no clear policy
on discipline. Students were not only
strapped and humiliated, in some schools,
they were handcuffed, manacled, beaten,
locked in cellars and other makeshift jails,
or displayed in stocks. Overcrowding and
a high student-staff ratio meant that even
those children who were not subject to
physical discipline grew up in an atmosphere
of emotional neglect.
From the beginning, many Aboriginal
people were resistant to the residential
school system. Missionaries found it difficult
to convince parents to send their children to
residential schools, and children ran away,
often at great personal risk and with tragic
outcome.
While the issue of sexual abuse was largely
unreported during the years in which the
schools were in operation, over the past
25 years it has become clear that this was
a serious problem in some schools. While
a number of high-profile court cases have
led to the conviction of school officials and
employees, the extent of such abuse—and its
legacy—requires further research.

For most of their history, residential
school wages were far below those offered
to other teachers, making the recruitment
and retention of teachers an ongoing issue.
While many remarkable people devoted
their lives to these institutions, the churches
did not require the same level of training as
was expected by the Canadian public school
system. It was not until after the 1950s that
the schools, for example, began to provide
high school education.
Many students have positive memories of
their experiences of residential schools and
speak positively of the skills they acquired,
the recreational and sporting activities, and
the friendships they made. Some students
went on to further their studies and develop
distinguished careers. But for most students
academic success was elusive and they left as
soon as they could. On return to their home
communities, they often felt isolated from
their families and their culture. They had
lost their language and not been provided
with the skills to follow traditional economic
pursuit. Many found that they had not been
provided with the skills needed to succeed
in the Euro-Canadian economy. Nor did
they have any experience of family life or
parenting.


trc.ca
Indian Residential Schools
An Overview
On June 11, 2008, Prime Minister
Stephen Harper issued an apology to
the former students of Canada’s Indian
residential school system, calling it a “sad
chapter in our history.” That chapter is
part of a broader story: one in which the
Canadian government gained control over
Aboriginal land and peoples, disrupted
Aboriginal governments and economies,
and sought to repress Aboriginal cultures
and spiritual practices. The government,
often in partnership with the country’s
major religious bodies sought to “civilize”
and Christianize, and, ultimately, assimilate
Aboriginal people
into the Canadian
society. The deputy
minister of Indian
Affairs predicted
in 1920 that in a
century, thanks to
the work of these
schools, Aboriginal
people would
cease to exist as an
identifiable cultural
group in Canada.
Education was seen as a central element
in this project. For their part Aboriginal
people saw the value in schooling: it was
at their insistence, for example, that many
treaties required government to provide
teachers and establish reserve schools.
The decision to invest in residential
schools was based on a belief that the
cultural and spiritual transformation that
the government and churches sought to
bring about in Aboriginal people could be
most effectively accomplished in schools that
broke the bonds between parent and child.
When Canada was created in 1867
the churches were already operating a
small number of boarding schools for
Aboriginal people of Ontario. In the coming
years, Roman Catholic and Protestant
missionaries established missions and small
boarding schools throughout the west. The
relationship between the government and
the churches was institutionalized in 1883
when the federal government decided to
establish three large residential schools in
Western Canada.
By the 1930s, there were over 70
residential schools in operation in all parts
of the country. By then approximately
one-third of school-aged Aboriginal
children were attending residential schools.
Eventually more than 150,000 students
would pass through the system. Over the
century that the system was in operation
more than 130 residential schools received
government support.
The assault on an Aboriginal identity often
began the moment the child took the first
step across the school’s threshold. Braided
hair (which often had spiritual connotations)
was cut, home-made clothing exchanged
for a school uniform, Aboriginal names
replaced with a Euro-Canadian ones (and
a number), and the unrestricted freedom
of life in Aboriginal community foregone
for the regimen of an institution in which
every activity from morning to evening
was scheduled. Males and females, brothers
and sisters were separated and, with some
exceptions, parental visits were discouraged
and controlled.
Hastily and cheaply built schools were
often found to have poor or non-existent
sanitation and ventilation systems. With
few infirmaries in which students with
contagious diseases could be isolated,
epidemics could quickly spread through
a school with deadly results. Because
schools were funded on a per capita
basis, administrators often violated health
guidelines and admitted children who were
infected with such deadly and contagious
diseases as tuberculosis. Parents were also
often not informed if their children became
sick, died, or ran way.
For the first half of the twentieth century,
the schools were on what was termed the
half-day system, under which half a day was
spent in the classroom and the other half in
vocational training. For the boys this was
largely restricted to farming and the crafts
that a farmer might have need of while the
girls were trained in the domestic sciences.
In reality, this was not so much training as
child labour, undertaken to subsidize the
ongoing operation of the schools.
The government mandated that English
be the language of instruction. And while
some missionaries had learned Aboriginal
languages and provided religious instruction
in those languages, in many schools students
were punished for speaking an Aboriginal
language. For most of the system’s history
the federal government had no clear policy
on discipline. Students were not only
strapped and humiliated, in some schools,
they were handcuffed, manacled, beaten,
locked in cellars and other makeshift jails,
or displayed in stocks. Overcrowding and
a high student-staff ratio meant that even
those children who were not subject to
physical discipline grew up in an atmosphere
of emotional neglect.
From the beginning, many Aboriginal
people were resistant to the residential
school system. Missionaries found it difficult
to convince parents to send their children to
residential schools, and children ran away,
often at great personal risk and with tragic
outcome.
While the issue of sexual abuse was largely
unreported during the years in which the
schools were in operation, over the past
25 years it has become clear that this was
a serious problem in some schools. While
a number of high-profile court cases have
led to the conviction of school officials and
employees, the extent of such abuse—and its
legacy—requires further research.
For most of their history, residential
school wages were far below those offered
to other teachers, making the recruitment
and retention of teachers an ongoing issue.
While many remarkable people devoted
their lives to these institutions, the churches
did not require the same level of training as
was expected by the Canadian public school
system. It was not until after the 1950s that
the schools, for example, began to provide
high school education.
Many students have positive memories of
their experiences of residential schools and
speak positively of the skills they acquired,
the recreational and sporting activities, and
the friendships they made. Some students
went on to further their studies and develop
distinguished careers. But for most students
academic success was elusive and they left as
soon as they could. On return to their home
communities, they often felt isolated from
their families and their culture. They had
lost their language and not been provided
with the skills to follow traditional economic
pursuit. Many found that they had not been
provided with the skills needed to succeed
in the Euro-Canadian economy. Nor did
they have any experience of family life or
parenting.
By the 1940s federal officials had
concluded that the system was both
expensive and ineffective. As a result, the
federal government began to substantially
increase the number of on-reserve day
schools and, in the 1950s, to enter into
agreements with provincial governments
and local school boards to have Aboriginal
students educated in public schools.
This policy of slowly winding down the
residential school system was coupled with
an expansion of the system in the Canadian
north from 1955 onwards. Once again
children were separated from families for
lengthy periods, taught by people who
had no understanding of their language
or culture, and housed in crowded and
makeshift facilities.
The partnership with the churches
remained in place until 1969 and, while
most of the schools had closed by the 1980s,
the last federally supported residential
schools remained in operation until 1996.


Quick Facts on Residential Schools

    Aboriginal children were forcibly taken from their homes by RCMP. 1
    150,000 Aboriginal children were taken from their families. 3
    90 to 100% suffered severe physical, emotional, and sexual abuse. 1
    There was a 40 – 60% mortality rate in Indian residential schools. 1
    Residential schools date back to the 1870s. 3
    Over 130 residential schools were located across Canada, and the last school closed as recently as 1996. 3
    Two-thirds of Canadians believe (and four in ten strongly believe) that Canadians with no experience in Indian residential schools have a role to play in reconciliation between Aboriginal peoples and all Canadians. 2

1. Dr. Bryce Report 1907, Medical Inspector, Department of Indian Affairs
2. 2008 National Benchmark Survey, Indian Residential Schools Resolution Canada
3. Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada


幸福的孩子可以练练英文。

此简介摘自Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada
加拿大真相与谅解委员会

此委员会收国会所托,撰写此调查报告。

轩辕可以让百里读一读,然后转述。
 楼主| 发表于 2015-3-11 09:25:02 | 显示全部楼层
第二十五楼,我描述我接触到的加拿大人:
"大家还都向往公务员。高工资,轻松。但依旧骂公务员们光拿薪水不干活。"

这是重点。也就是人民和公务员并不是泾渭分明两个集团。自己想要的,是高工资,是轻松。但是别人高工资、工作轻松时,就变成“光拿薪水不干活”。

我所认识到的自己,是灰色的,即黑也白。

轩辕和幸福所知道的,则是人民是白的,不和人民在一起的就是黑的。

要解决这个问题,需要在线互动,而不是今天我一楼,明天你一楼。可惜有时差。碰碰运气吧。

风行和卧云斋不来趟这个浑水,是大智慧。不知道子奚怎么想,不知道朱雀清明怎么想。

蒹葭从风大概是看不到这个帖子。不知道她怎么想。不知道紫玄君怎么想,不知道威爷怎么想。

发表于 2015-3-11 11:06:21 | 显示全部楼层
本司胡同 发表于 2015-3-11 08:32
Canadian government gained control over Aboriginal land and peoples, disrupted
Aboriginal governmen ...

说起5.35事件,你说加拿大也有个“奥卡危机”,我来跟你讨论“奥卡危机”了,你又转到上上个世纪加拿大的寄宿学校……咱讨论问题能不能不乱兜圈子?
很显然,“奥卡危机”与“5.35事件”,从滋生缘由、表达方式、冲突双方的主体构成、事件的演进过程、危机结束方式等方面进行比较,两者都没什么可比性!你拿出“奥卡危机”来洗白5.35的罪恶,这是混淆视听……
“奥卡危机”可以研究、可以讨论、可以纪念,而5.35事件至今禁止讨论,某集团显然自己都讳莫如深……你举的这个例子不成例,可以继续讨论,别转移话题好吗?
发表于 2015-3-11 14:58:42 | 显示全部楼层
本司胡同 发表于 2015-3-11 09:25
第二十五楼,我描述我接触到的加拿大人:
"大家还都向往公务员。高工资,轻松。但依旧骂公务员们光拿薪水 ...


本司胡同:第二十五楼,我描述我接触到的加拿大人:"大家还都向往公务员。高工资,轻松。但依旧骂公务员们光拿薪水不干活。"
这是重点。也就是人民和公务员并不是泾渭分明两个集团。自己想要的,是高工资,是轻松。但是别人高工资、工作轻松时,就变成“光拿薪水不干活”。

轩辕:从哲学、社会学角度做社会构成、社会各阶层关系及大众意识形态、行为方式分析是可以的,但是不能引申到“人民和公务员并不是泾渭分明两个集团”这么荒谬的结论上来。“人民”不可以将犯罪嫌疑人拘留,只有警察可以;“人民”不可以发布法律法规,有权限的公务员可以;“人民”不可以设法庭,法院可以;国家有《中华人民共和国公务员法》,对“公务员”的人员有明确的规定,你怎么能说“人民和公务员并不是泾渭分明两个集团”呢?“公务员”按“人民”的角色和权限办事一定会渎职怠政,“人民”按“公务员”的角色权限去行事一定会违法乱纪!这哪里不分明了!?

我所认识到的自己,是灰色的,即黑也白。轩辕和幸福所知道的,则是人民是白的,不和人民在一起的就是黑的。
轩辕:“是人民是白的,不和人民在一起的就是黑的”这显然出于你自己的认知,我的意见是:在责任认定上,谁的黑就是谁的黑,谁的白就是谁的白,别胡乱搅合。color]

要解决这个问题,需要在线互动,而不是今天我一楼,明天你一楼。可惜有时差。碰碰运气吧。
轩辕:咱们慢慢来,这不需要运气啊

风行和卧云斋不来趟这个浑水,是大智慧。不知道子奚怎么想,不知道朱雀清明怎么想。
轩辕:为啥不爽快些直接说我不智慧?这里没有浑水,你认为哪里浑,指出来咱们讨论就是了……

蒹葭从风大概是看不到这个帖子。不知道她怎么想。不知道紫玄君怎么想,不知道威爷怎么想。
轩辕:顾左右而言他?蒹葭从风快有5年不来了,还是咱们说吧……
发表于 2015-3-11 15:41:08 | 显示全部楼层
表扯我啊:L 我是从初一到今天,都没怎么登陆网站。都不知道啥事儿呢。大感觉啊。胡同写的这东西,带点讽刺的笔调,然后呢,不知道是不是天秤座,喜欢铺垫,周到,于是夹七夹八的,正正反反。。。。。。。。大叔逮着一条条批,我觉得是力量用太过。先批大观点吧。不过大观点在哪呢,我最近事多,加班加得心乱,一下也没看出来。别纠缠一些细节啦,细节辩来辩去,徒增意气。~~~~~也算是和稀泥。先澄清下,胡同写个清楚明晰的主要观点出来。~~~~~~~~要不辩论来,辩论去,发现大家的主旨,观点其实差不了太多,岂不冤哉。
发表于 2015-3-11 15:46:05 | 显示全部楼层
感觉胡同也算是在批国民性,甚至是普通人的人性。  君子之德风,小人之性草。小人者,非奸恶之人,普通未曾经历过美好之人也(其实就是庸俗之人也)。普通庸俗之人,天底下,大概都如此。我自己也是如此,只不过想挣脱出来,超拔出来,做个自己觉得自己还是个人样的人,其实也还是经常在泥潭里打滚。
发表于 2015-3-11 17:06:05 | 显示全部楼层
本司:我所言人民有义务,是指被盗要报警,抓到嫌疑人要指认。有火灾要打119。着了火不报警,当然不能怪救火队不来。  
轩辕:你原来可不是这么说的,现在说的有些靠谱了。

本司胡同 :问题的焦点:轩辕认为人民在一起,贪腐集团在群众的对立面。我认为,没有办法把贪腐集团与人民做清楚的界定与切割。轩辕认为,有好人,有坏人。我认为,我是好人,我也是坏人。我可做好事,亦可作自认好事之大坏事。
轩辕:你为什么认为“没有办法把贪腐集团与人民做清楚的界定与切割”我就不判断了。贪腐集团的罪案,法院最终会有判决,而且不会追究非涉案的“百姓”的,你看看,一定是可以清楚界定的!
发表于 2015-3-11 17:21:49 | 显示全部楼层
风行水上 发表于 2015-3-11 15:41
表扯我啊 我是从初一到今天,都没怎么登陆网站。都不知道啥事儿呢。大感觉啊。胡同写的这东西,带点讽刺 ...


要不辩论来,辩论去,发现大家的主旨,观点其实差不了太多,岂不冤哉。
轩辕:嗯?呀呀呀呔,举个例子吧?在哪里有“大家的主旨,观点其实差不了太多”?
发表于 2015-3-11 20:14:45 | 显示全部楼层
本司胡同:庶民礼用鸭子。取其憨直,有话就说。
庶民礼用鸭子,周礼呀!!!!!您是天汉的管理员,周礼会忘记吗?贵族用玉,取其刚而不伤人,大夫用羊,取其白,士用雁,取其知序,庶民用鸭,取其直。汉服运动怎么可以忘掉周礼呢!
也是凭记忆,肯定有讹误,所以不可能是原文。《周礼·春官》,忘了是谁作的注。另,周礼不等于《周礼》。周时之礼,为周礼。《周礼》则是一本书。大射,投壶,士婚礼,冠礼,笄礼…天风和从风的心血,不敢忘
卿執羔,大夫執雁,士執雉,庶人執鶩。如同系错扣子,记错一个,后面的也错。但是庶人用鸭子是没错的。郭璞注解说鹜就是鸭子


轩辕:学习一遍,也没看到你所说的“庶民礼用鸭子。取其憨直,有话就说”出自哪里,“贵族用玉,取其刚而不伤人,大夫用羊,取其白,士用雁,取其知序,庶民用鸭,取其直”又是哪儿来的呢?你先别忙着挤兑天汉管理员了,还是把出处给出来吧?

所查到的资料如下:
《周礼》之“春官宗伯”篇: 以禽作六摯,以等諸臣:孤執皮帛,卿執羔,大夫執雁,士執雉,庶人執鶩,工商執雞。
        郑玄云:“羔取其群而不失其类,雁取其候时而行,雉取其守介而死,不失其节,鹜取其不飞迁,鸡取其守时而动。”
发表于 2015-3-11 21:55:51 | 显示全部楼层
本司胡同:您不知道他俩贪腐,就是理由。您可以上网查一查。如果国内网上查不到,就说明国内对岛内新闻报的不够多。我以为大家都知道了,因此提一下就好。您要是查不到,告诉我,我开帖即时更新。,郝龙斌的大巨蛋开发案,现在正一点点曝光。我市的卫生局挥霍公款,然后没有处罚,继续上班拿钱。2014年新闻报道的。省卫生厅说关乎隐私,不发表意见,然后没下文了。您希望我如何具体说?

轩辕:柯文哲组4大项目小组,准备对相关案件进行调查,咱们等结论吧?在最后结果没有出来以前,你先不要说“马英九、郝龙斌巨贪”这样结论吧?
你们卫生厅的事儿,就别提了吧?怀疑就是怀疑,新闻报道不能当法律文书看,是这个道理吧?目前为止你说的都是新闻报道,没有一例是有法律判决的,而你在叙述的时候直接拿来当证据,你有特殊调查?有内部消息还是什么?你怎么认定这些的呢?你说加拿大“还是贪官污吏们无一例外继续享受高额退休俸的呢?”至今没见一个靠谱的证据呢。
发表于 2015-3-11 22:30:27 | 显示全部楼层
问题是,为什么有人去买这本书?怪人写怪书,写就写吧,笔在人家手里。可钱在读者手里,大家别买呀。让书烂在仓库里。大家买,那别的出版商也要赚,怪书会越来越多。会没完没了的。不让他出书,人家的权怎么办

轩辕:“不让他出书,人家的权怎么办”,……你自己要说什么,你自己搞清楚了吗?
为了大家都省些事,这么乱七八糟糊里糊涂的话,以后就别说了吧?
发表于 2015-3-11 23:20:06 | 显示全部楼层
本司:不对。他们二人是有大智慧的。大智慧不同于智慧。一般人都能有智慧,很少的人有大智慧。我也没有大智慧。我俩看问题的角度不同,细枝末节会越缠越多。另开帖,直接谈根本的。

轩辕:你还真能扯,不是你天上一拳地上一脚的满嘴跑火车,为什么“细枝末节会越缠越多”的?这里怎么不能谈根本?你拽着话题乱跑一气,现在又要跑路挪地方,别了,别跑了,就这里吧!
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